Saturday, September 5, 2009

We Can Live Without Capitalism / Stop Paying Back Your Loans To The Banks!




banks that have been affected by the idea of
17-s







WE CAN LIVE WITHOUT CAPITALISM is an initiative in which people participate as individuals, even though they are an active group of people in different social movements.
Behind this publication there is no institution, company, nor organization. They are people you may usually find in campaigns to denounce the current system and to construct alternatives, people like you could be.
If you want to call them by a name, you could call them Temporary Collective Crisis, for example.
They want to demonstrate that if we get organized, we don't need media or government controlled organisations to share important public information, care joining them?
Navigate to the site of the collective:

After the interest aroused by the 17-s and 17-m publication and the proposals they have received, they carry on giving continuity to the collective through tasks such as:
  • Providing the Web as a forum for information, discussion and proposals through the forums on topics related to the banks, the crisis, the current economic system and its alternatives,
  • Put information on the mobilizations in the face of crisis
  • Launch new campaigns and actions as the Campaign for a bank user strike.
The Crisis Group is getting organized via Internet so you can contact them to participate through this contact form.

How Did All these Started ???
(through this public announcement...):

I have “robbed” 492,000 euros to whom most rob us in order to denounce them and build some alternatives for the society.


I am writing down this pages to announce that I have expropriated 492,000 euros to 39 banks through 68 loan deals. If we include interest on arrears, the present amount of debt is over 500,000 euros which I will not pay.

It has been an individual disobedience action towards banking that I have carried out deliberately to denounce the bank system and to use the money for supporting initiatives which alert from systemic crisis that we are starting to live and which intend to build an alternative society.

It is an action totally unconnected to any violence form, that I claim as a new way of civil disobedience, up to the height of the times we are living. When consumption financing and speculation are dominant in our society, what could be better than robbing the ones who rob us and distribute the money among the groups which are denouncing this situation and building alternatives?

How could I get such amount of money without neither properties nor bank guarantees?

After some research and attempts, in the spring of 2006, I started going ahead decidedly with this idea; I was making various banks, savings banks and financial credit establishments think that I wanted to refurbish my flat or buy a new car. In some cases, I was doing that by using a company I incorporated with the aim of justifying certain investments, such as the purchase of audiovisual equipment for a production company.
The advantage of asking for a loan through a company is that company debts, even when this is a sole shareholder company, do not get registered in one's personal credit history, so you can always increase your debts indefinitely without being detected by CIRBE (the information system for debts from the Bank of Spain). There are some other ways to deceive CIRBE, which I will tell to anybody wanting to carry out an action with a similar purpose than that to mine.

These loans were applied without any guarantee neither from another person nor from any properties, just by my signature and an invented occupation with a great false payslip which made them believe I was earning enough money to cover the financing by far. The crux of the matter is that banks have no way of checking wether the payslip one presents to them is real or not, as long as the company and the person really exist.
I also had to present them some right bank statements, which I got circulating money from company accounts to personal accounts through payroll transfers, in order to pretend I had some personal income, all of which banks were believing blindly. In some cases, banks asked me for an employment contract, my Income Tax Return report or my work history. They were asking my companies for the quarterly VAT return and, if they had been incorporated longer than a year, they also requested the Corporate Income Tax.
All these documents can be duly provided: sometimes with real information and in cases is which this is not possible, a printer, a photocopier, a pair of scissors and sellotape work wonders!
In certain cases, I had to buy the car I had asked the loan for and then I had to sell everything before I stopped paying, so like this they would not seize anything and so we could have more funds to finance popular struggles.
My action may seem striking, getting 492,000 euros with no bank guarantees in an economic downturn context, but all it shows is how the banking system promotes indebtedness from families regardless of any control or any risks contingency plans and common sense.
In conclusion, there is a fact which can help us understand the possibilities and opportunities that exist for this kind of action: banks need to grant loans because that is the main way for them to get benefits and, as we have already explained in a previous article, because the financial system needs to sign out more and more bank credits to create more and more money. It is a wheel that will not stop until the system brings to a standstill. As individuals, instead of keeping on helping the wheel to roll by asking for loans for production or consumption, we have the opportunity and responsibility to make things harder for the current system, making them believe that we want some loans so that they think they will create this money thanks to us. Afterwards, by not giving back these loans, we make this money disappear, as well as that amount created out of the blue from the guarantee we had signed for refunding debts. This system works on the basis of trust, so if we can spread mistrust by carrying on similar actions, we will then be able to abolish it (destroy it?)

Why this action?

The previously mentioned and analised crisis was to be expected especially in its energy aspect. Three years ago, I heard about peak oil theories and I thought that when the crisis triggered it would be fundamental for us to be ready to face it. This could be an opportunity for social change, a time to make the most of it. But if we were not getting ready for it, future could
turn even worse than the situation we are living at the moment, as shortage management by economic and politic authorities could lead us into new ways of fascism.
When talking about social transformation, one of the main problems we face nowadays is the fact that it is difficult to identify the main enemies. As we have seen in the article dealing with the financial system, there are hidden and evil mechanisms which allow the money creation process to be controlled by a minority and, for that reason, they make the economic system work in accordance with their interests. Revealing the hidden identities within this minority, concealed behind this banking system which is dragging us towards environmental collapse, seemed fundamental to me and it was a key motivation which encouraged me to carry out this action and to announce it openly.
Another convincing reason for me was the opportunity to strengthen social movements so they could be ready to face the crisis, trying out some alternatives which could turn into the example of a viable way of life when the crisis breaks out. I thought we would need more money than we could get by other normal means as, according to my experience in social movements, one of the main restrictions when talking about alternative projects has always been the lack of sufficient economic capacity to run strategic projects when they are ready got the kickoff and to maintain them for the time it is considered necessary.
There are social alternatives which are just getting off the ground from practice and with no real established ideas. There a lot initiatives that, from autonomy and self-management, are starting to practice new ways of life that they consider to be alternatives to the current capitalist system. There are clear and driven efforts to get coordinated and organised jointly through networks, to start puting into practice another society model. The path is set off, now we need to keep on going and gather strength.

Where is the money?
Once the commissions, interests, notaries, taxes and various expenses related to the action but not directly related to social change were paid, there were leaving around 360,000 euros that have been assigned, amongst others, to the publication you have between your hands1. Other destinies have been various actions and initiatives addressed to raise awareness about the systemic crisis (energy, food, aconomic...) as well as, and specially, to enhance a wide social movement which promotes different ways of living in society while it is also facing present capitalist model until it can replace it.
I will not give any more concrete details in this document because it could cause some problems to the projects that have received this money without being responsible for that, but I hope that people with whom I've been sharing time lately will start the word-of-mouth which will make possible that a lot of people know for sure that the funds fate has been directed towards this sole aim.

A call for action

Above all, this action aims to be an appeal for everyone to think about what can and want to do for changing the state of things within its means or even for changing what could seem impossible to change...
If I have carried out this financial disobedience action, risking my own freedom to show that the economic system is more vulnerable than it seems and to obtain all this amount of money for the construction of alternatives, maybe there will be many other people who can do something else if they trust themselves, if they get to free themselves from the false fears we are deliberately educated in by the system and if they resolutely think that just through the people, from below, we can change the state of things.
Taking as an example the style of action I have carried out and taking into account personal and economic context of each one, some people will perhaps realize about some things they can do within their reach:
  • Tenants, undergoing with the continuing increase in the costs (usually linked to the increase in purchase prices) can join together to commence a rent strike, as the one from 1930 and 1931; I am sure there are some people who are alreadythinking abou it...
  • If you are paying a mortgage since not too many years and you still have to work for many years in a job you do not like at all, you could maybe stop paying the mortgage and squat your flat. If you do it alone you will probably have a problem (not a bigger problem than the one you already had though, and what is more: you can consider spending your time doing what you like, consistent with your ideas and vocation) but if a lot of people does the same in an organized manner, it will be the banking the one who will have a problem...
  • If you are committed people and you want to collaborate with social movements, now you know there is the possibility of asking for some loans and not paying for them so you can finance the struggles, while you put obstacles to the financial system at the same time. There are some ways of doing this without getting any criminal charges for it, you just should do it in a smaller scale (related to mine) and you should not spread your action. I can give you a helping hand on this, hehe.
  • If you are already on the way of living with no bank accounts because you have any sentence-fine (very common nowadays) that you do not want to pay, why don't you expropriate some money to the banks before you get to the point of no having any checking accounts?
With these various options and any others you can think about you will always be delinquent accounts (or at least until this system in crisis lasts...) so it would be advisable to think about an action followed by a personal plan of living in a different manner, with neither checking accounts nor properties.
  • Anyway, if you can not or you do not want to carry out any of the actions before mentioned, there are two easier things that everybody can and must do as soon as possible: not asking for any loans and taking out all the money from the banks.
By keeping loans, credit cards and checking accounts, we are an accessory to the banks which represent the heart of a capitalist system that is spreading our planet's destruction, poverty and our life's slavery all around.
Taking out all your money from the banks is something that everybody can do simply by getting a little bit more organized to manage payments and earns in a different way.
And if you receive too late this call for action, because there are some debts you could not pay and you are already in the banks' delinquencies lists... why don't you contact me to set up a delinquencies union? There are more people registered in delinquencies lists than in unemployment lists...and living without checking accounts is some kind of art which deserves to be shared!

What I am going to do from now on.

While writing this public document, there has not been presented any criminal charges on me; this fact proves that I have been able to carry on the action to its end without any control or any police suspicion.
Anyway, according to the Spanish state's judicial system (not taking into account its ethical motivation), since I have done this confession, I should be charged with greater fraud (from 50,000 euros and over) and punishable insolvency. I can be charged from 2 to 6 years for the first accusation and from 1 to 3 years for the second one.
So I have preferred to claim this action publicly as civil disobedience so everybody can know what can they do and to question the very financial system instead of hiding the action as any person who thinks first in his/her own integrity would recommend me.
But as my position is that of clear recognisement and that of moral and political defense of the facts, as I do not think that the judicial system is legitimized to judge me (as a part of a completely undemocratic political system, depending from the same economic authorities to whom I direct my action against) I have decided to accompany this public explanation of the facts with my physical disappearance. By this way, I will avoid possible reprisals against my freedom or my body which would prevent me from continue defending and explaining these facts openly. I will keep on being an active member within catalan social movements through virtual participation while I have to be phisically in some other point of the world from where I can also take part in social struggles.
Further forward, I reserve the right to come back an physically appear in catalan territory if it is proved that catalan civil society is prepared to defend freedom for the people who publically face our society's economic and political authorities.
If I was ever judged, of my own will or not, I can tell you the only verdict I will accept will be the aquittal from court as considering that my action does not constitute a crime because of its ethical motivation and because it is a gesture of solidarity against the authorities which are more damaging this society and because it is an action in favour of the common good. Apart from this, I will not negotiate any lower sentencies for avoiding serving my sentence, neither will bail nor pay a fine or negotiate the debt. If state is uncapable of getting rid of the pressure from factual powers, then everybody will be able to see it when they put a person like me into prison.
From this moment on, you can reveal my identity and contact me on the web http://www.17-s.info where you will also find further thorough information.

The merger between two activist traditions

This action from Enric, even innovative, does not emerge out of the blue; historically, activists from various trends have been risking for common good over current legality either by directing actions against the banks to finance struggles, or doing public civil disobedience actions to transform something. In banking expropriations field, tradition begins at the beginning of twentieth century, in countries such as France and Italy, as well as in the Spanish state, with the spectacular robbery to the Bank of Spain in Gijón by el grupo de los solidarios, in 1923, for instance.
Mythical figures in our history such as Durruti, Quico Sabaté or Salvador Puigantich have carried out this kind of actions, which are always dangerous as they put in danger their lifes and branchs workers ones. Some other methods, safer for people but much more complicated, have been those of notes or traveller's cheques forgerying. This last action against Citybank, helped Lucio Urtubia become known all over the world. He is still alive and has recently given some talks around catalan territory to present the documentary Lucio, el anarquista irreductible.
Civil disobedience strategy begins in the ninetienth century by Henry Thoreau and gets very well-known through names like Gandhi and Martin Luther King. In the spanish state, pacific disobedience just started to get considered as a possibility after dictator Franco's death, given that in times where violence is committed by the State with total immunity, non-violent disobedience is completelly impossible. Since the 70's up to now, some of the most recognized social movements -as the successful refusal to serve in the military and the squatter movement- are based on this disobedient premise.
One of the problems for the meeting point lies in the opposite situations starting point. The first situation needs to work underground; the second one is a public action which bases its strength on its social support and its actions legitimacy. The action we are talking about now can fuse them both because it has two different parts: the direct action one (which has already been carried out and its secret nature has enabled the action success) with the civil disobedience one (which is starting today, with the confession and public defense the author does, seriously questioning banking's moral legitimacy.
If this example will still remain as an isolated action or if it will represent the seed for a new action strategy, either public or hidden, time will tell. All of us, each individual who want to change the state of affairs, have the last say.

for more info :

Monday, August 31, 2009

MovieSaver 2.0 Free Download all possible Videos






There are thousands and thousands of videos in internet uploaded in sites like google, youtube, videotube, metacafe. e.t.c.....Many videos of them comes from commrades, spiritual friends, activists, thinkers, undergound movements and collectives of the global resistance, they created by all of us, they belong to all of us...Void Network hear accomodates the link of free programme MovieSaver 2.0, a fine way to download in your computer, share with everybody and use for public shows allmost all interesting videos that you can find in internet...We hope you will use this link for your personal pleasure as also for producing many info shows, documentaries film shows and extraordinary public events...

Description of the programme:

Millions of videos with no end in sight … First there was YouTube, then MySpace, then MyVideo (or was it the other way round?) and now it's the turn of MovieSaver. What is so special about it?

No wrench is absurd enough, no spot is too funny, no visualized idea too bizarre. MovieSaver loads them down from the Net and stores them on your hard disc - for the hours and days without Internet connection

MovieSaver is a so-called video downloader, which - once fed with a URL that links to a video - loads and stores it on the home computer. Addictive factor? Very high, because once one has a small collection of the YouTube and Co. treasures one soon wants to have more.

Even better, the best small freeware on this side of Texas also provides a media filter that clicks into the system and henceforth allows the reproduction of flash files with all software players, which use the Microsoft DirectShow-interface, for instance the Windows Media Player.

Get the latest cult films onto your computer with MovieSaver 2.0!

The most important credit points:

- Freeware! developed by Engelmann Media GmbH

- Compatible to FLV-files (Flash videos).

- No flash player for reproduction required (even if your browser refuses to work you can copy the video address and load down and watch the video with MovieSaver).

- Extremely easy handling per Drag & Drop or Copy & Paste.

- Works with Youtube, Google Video, Veoh, Clipfish, MyVideo, VideoTube, myspace, metacafe, sevenload, ifilm, blip.tv and dailymotion.

System Requirements:

Windows 2000/XP/Vista with NET 2 Framework (will be automatically installed, if not available).

PC with Pentium compatible CPU and 256 MB RAM, Mouse.

Download the MovieSaver 2.0 here:

http://www.dreamscene.org/download_tips.php

Wednesday, August 26, 2009

The Tyranny Of The Clock by George Woodcock














THE TYRANNY OF THE CLOCK
George Woodcock (1912-1995)


In no characteristic is existing society in the West so sharply distinguished from the earlier societies, whether of Europe or the East, than in its conception of time. To the ancient Chinese or Greek, to the Arab herdsman or Mexican peon of today, time is represented by the cyclic processes of nature, the alternation of day and night, the passage from season to season. The nomads and farmers measured and still measure their day from sunrise to sunset, and their year in terms of seedtime and harvest, of the falling leaf and the ice thawing on the lakes and rivers. The farmer worked according to the elements, the craftsman for as long as he felt it necessary to perfect his product. Time was seen as a process of natural change, and men were not concerned in its exact measurement. For this reason civilizations highly developed in other respects had the most primitive means of measuring time: the hour glass with its trickling sand or dripping water, the sun dial, useless on a dull day, and the candle or lamp whose unburnt remnant of oil or wax indicated the hours. All these devices were approximate and inexact, and were often rendered unreliable by the weather or the personal laziness of the tender. Nowhere in the ancient or mediaeval world were more than a tiny minority of men concerned with time in the terms of mathematical exactitude.
Modern, western man, however, lives in a world which runs according to the mechanical and mathematical symbols of clock time. The clock dictates his movements and inhibits his actions. The clock turns time from a process of nature into a commodity that can be measured and bought and sold like soap or sultanas. And because, without some means of exact time keeping, industrial capitalism could never have developed and could not continue to exploit the workers, the clock represents an element of mechanical tyranny in the lives of modern men more potent than any individual exploiter or than any other machine. It is therefore valuable to trace the historical process by which the clock influenced the social development of modern European civilization.
It is a frequent circumstance of history that a culture or civilization develops the device that will later be used for its destruction. The ancient Chinese, for example, invented gunpowder, which was developed by the military experts of the West and eventually led to the Chinese civilization itself being destroyed by the high explosives of modern warfare. Similarly, the supreme achievement of the craftsmen of the medieval cities of Europe was the invention of the clock which, with its revolutionary alteration of the concept of time, materially assisted the growth of the middle ages.
There is a tradition that the clock appeared in the eleventh century, as a device for ringing bells at regular intervals in the monasteries which, with the regimented life they imposed on their inmates, were the closest social approximation in the middle ages to the factory of today. The first authenticated clock, however, appeared in the thirteenth century, and it was not until the fourteenth century that clocks became common as ornaments of the public buildings in German cities.
These early clocks, operated by weights, were not particularly accurate, and it was not until the sixteenth century that any great reliability was attained. In England, for instance, the clock at Hampton Court, made in 1540, is said to have been the first accurate clock in the country. And even the accuracy of the sixteenth-century clocks is relative, for they were equipped only with hour hands. The idea of measuring time in minutes and seconds had been thought out by the early mathematicians as far back as the fourteenth century, but it was not until the invention of the pendulum in 1657 that sufficient accuracy was attained to permit the addition of a minute hand, and the second hand did not appear until the eighteenth century. These two centuries, it should be observed, were those in which capitalism grew to such an extent that it was able to take advantage of the techniques of the industrial revolution to establish its economic domination over society.
The clock, as Lewis Mumford has pointed out, is the key machine of the machine age, both for its influence on technics and for its influence on the habits of men. Technically, the clock was the first really automatic machine that attained any importance in the life of man. Previous to its invention, the common machines were of such a nature that their operation depended on some external and unreliable force, such as human or animal muscles, water or wind. It is true that the Greeks had invented a number of primitive automatic machines, but these were used, like Hero’s steam engine, either for obtaining "supernatural" effects in the temples or for amusing the tyrants of Levantine cities. But the clock was the first automatic machine that attained public importance and a social function. Clock-making became the industry from which men learnt the elements of machine-making and gained the technical skill that was to produce the complicated machinery of the Industrial Revolution.
Socially the clock had a more radical influence than any other machine, in that it was the means by which the regularization and regimentation of life necessary for an exploiting system of industry could best be assured. The clock provided a means by which time -- a category so elusive that no philosophy has yet determined its nature --could be measured concretely in the more tangible terms of space provided by the circumference of a clock dial. Time as duration became disregarded, and men began to talk and think always of "lengths" of time, just as if they were talking of lengths of calico. And time, being now measurable in mathematical symbols, was regarded as a commodity that could be bought and sold in the same way as any other commodity.
The new capitalists, in particular, became rabidly time-conscious. Time, here symbolizing the labour of the workers, was regarded by them almost as if it were the chief raw material of industry. "Time is money" was one of the key slogans of capitalist ideology, and the time keeper was the most significant of the new types of official introduced by the capitalist dispensation.
In the early factories the employers went so far as to manipulate their clocks or sound their factory whistles at the wrong times in order to defraud the workers of a little of this valuable new commodity. Later such practices became less frequent, but the influence of the clock imposed a regularity on the lives of the majority of men that had previously been known only in the monasteries. Men actually became like clocks, acting with a repetitive regularity which had no resemblance to the rhythmic life of a natural being. They became, as the Victorian phrase put it, "as regular as clockwork." Only in the country districts where the natural lives of animals and plants and the elements still dominated existence, did any large proportion of the population fail to succumb to the deadly tick of monotony.
At first this new attitude to time, this new regularity of life, was imposed by the clock-owning masters on the unwilling poor. The factory slave reacted in his spare time by living with a chaotic irregularity which characterized the gin-sodden slums of early nineteenth-century industrialism. Men fled to the timeless worlds of drink or Methodist inspiration. But gradually the idea of regularity spread downwards and among the workers. Nineteenth-century religion and morality played their part by proclaiming the sin of "wasting time." The introduction of mass-produced watches and clocks in the 1850’s spread time-consciousness among those who had previously merely reacted to the stimulus of the knocker-up or the factory whistle. In the church and the school, in the office and the workshop, punctuality was held up as the greatest of the virtues.
Out of this slavish dependence on mechanical time which spread insidiously into every class in the nineteenth century, there grew up the demoralizing regimentation which today still characterizes factory life. The man who fails to conform faces social disapproval and economic ruin -- unless he drops out into a nonconformist way of life in which time ceases to be of prime importance. Hurried meals, the regular morning and evening scramble for trains or buses, the strain of having to work to time schedules, all contribute, by digestive and nervous disturbance, to ruin health and shorten life.
Nor does the financial imposition of regularity tend, in the long run, to greater efficiency. Indeed, the quality of the product is usually much poorer, because the employer, regarding time as a commodity which he has to pay for, forces the operative to maintain such a speed that his work must necessarily be skimped. Quantity rather than quality becoming the criterion, the enjoyment is taken out of the work itself, and the worker in his turn becomes a "clock-watcher," concerned only with when he will be able to escape to the scanty and monotonous leisure of industrial society, in which he "kills time" by cramming in as much time-scheduled and mechanical enjoyment of cinema, radio and newspaper as his wage packet and his tiredness will allow. Only if he is willing to accept the hazards of living by his faith or his wits can the man without money avoid living as a slave to the clock.
The problem of the clock is, in general, similar to that of the machine. Mechanized time is valuable as a means of coordinating activities in a highly developed society, just as the machine is valuable as a means of reducing unnecessary labour to a minimum. Both are valuable for the contribution they make to the smooth running of society, and should be used in so far as they assist men to co-operate efficiently and to eliminate monotonous toil and social confusion. But neither should be allowed to dominate men’s lives as they do today.
Now the movement of the clock sets the tempo of men’s lives -- they become the servants of the concept of time which they themselves have made, and are held in fear, like Frankenstein by his own monster. In a sane and free society such an arbitrary domination of man’s functions by either clock or machine would obviously be out of
the question. The domination of man by man-made machines is even more ridiculous than the domination of man by man. Mechanical time would be relegated to its true function of a means of reference and co-ordination, and men would return again to a balanced view of life no longer dominated by time-regu1ation and the worship of the clock. Complete liberty implies freedom from the tyranny of abstractions as well as from the rule of men.

>>>the essay originaly found in the amazing archive site Lust For Life:
http://www.lust-for-life.org/Lust-For-Life/Anarchist/Anarchist.htm

Monday, August 24, 2009

The "Society of the Spectacle" English digital Translation










Guy Debord's THE SOCIETY OF THE SPECTACLE, originally published in 1967, is easily the most important radical book of the twentieth century. Contrary to popular misconceptions, Debord's book is neither an ivory tower "philosophical discourse" nor an impulsive "rant" or "protest." It is an effort to clarify the nature of the situation in which we find ourselves and the advantages and drawbacks of various methods for changing it. It examines the most fundamental tendencies and contradictions of the present society -- what is really going on behind the spectacular surface phenomena that we are conditioned to perceive as the only reality. This means that it needs to be reread many times, but it also means that it remains as pertinent as ever while countless radical and intellectual fads have come and gone. As Debord noted in his later "Comments on the Society of the Spectacle" (1988), in the intervening decades the spectacle has become more pervasive than ever, to the point of repressing virtually any awareness of pre-spectacle history or anti-spectacle possibilities: "Spectacular domination has succeeded in raising an entire generation molded to its laws." Debord's strategy is to cut through the mass of false solutions so as to open the way for real ones. His method may seem negative and abstract, but his aim is positive and concrete. No matter how many times you read his book, you will never really understand it until you use it. Which means using your imagination and experimenting for yourself. The purpose of the book is to help you do just that.

Ken Knabb's translation of THE SOCIETY OF THE SPECTACLE is online at http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/debord
The translation is also available in book form
http://www.bopsecrets.org/cat.htm
A new PDF version is online at
http://www.bopsecrets.org/images/sos.pdf
Debord also made a film of his book, which is available in various formats -- http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/debord.films/index.htm

Related texts by Debord and other members of the Situationist International are online at http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/index.htm

“Guy DEBORD. Calls himself a filmmaker. Member of the Situationist International, of which he was one of the founders in 1957. For a long time, the responsible party for the publications of the SI in France. Also now and then involved in the different activities of this organization in several countries where situationist agitation was propagated, notably in Germany, England and Italy (sometimes calling himself Gondi or Decayeux). In 1967 published The Society of the Spectacle. The following year, a figure among the leaders of the most extreme current at the time of the troubles of May 1968. Following these events, his theses acquired a great influence in European and American ultra-Leftism. French. Born in 1931, in Paris.”
Autobiographical note in detourned style for the Champ Libre edition of The Society of the Spectacle.

“In societies dominated by modern conditions of production, life is presented as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has receded into a representation. The images detached from every aspect of life merge into a common stream in which the unity of that life can no longer be recovered. Fragmented views of reality regroup themselves into a new unity as a separate pseudoworld that can only be looked at. The specialization of images of the world evolves into a world of autonomized images where even the deceivers are deceived.
The spectacle is a concrete inversion of life, an autonomous movement of the nonliving. The spectacle presents itself simultaneously as society itself, as a part of society, and as a means of unification. As a part of society, it is the focal point of all vision and all consciousness. But due to the very fact that this sector is separate, it is in reality the domain of delusion and false consciousness: the unification it achieves is nothing but an official language of universal separation.
The spectacle is not a collection of images; it is a social relation between people that is mediated by images. Understood in its totality, the spectacle is both the result and the goal of the dominant mode of production. It is not a mere decoration added to the real world. It is the very heart of this real society’s unreality. In all of its particular manifestations — news, propaganda, advertising, entertainment — the spectacle represents the dominant model of life. It is the omnipresent affirmation of the choices that have already been made in the sphere of production and in the consumption implied by that production.”
– Excerpts from the film , translated by Ken Knabb

Monday, August 17, 2009

The Potentiality of Storming Heaven / a film about Greek December 2008 Social Insurrection

Void Network and Void Mirror international blog accomodates maybe the most important short film about the social insurrection that took place in Greece in December 2008 after the assasination of 15 years old Alexis Grigoropoulos by Greek Police...
The film is a creative work of Direct History and analysis,
is a live history written by the same real people who were actualy fighting among the creators of these stories, created from social fighters among the fighters of these struggles







Saturday, August 8, 2009

...And War Has Just Yet Begun...by Party Imaginaire


Void Network shares with all friends through Void Mirror blog the important short film
...And War Has Just Yet Begun...by Party Imaginaire

The 18' film is a romantic and cruel political/philosophical analysis through a poetic narration of every day life
filmic fragments mixed with moments of riots

Party Imaginaire is a ghost, a dream, a secret plan, a rumour, a weapon of imagination and critical mind in the hands of 21st century revolutionaries

The film following the filmic steps of Society of The Spectacle and other films of Guy Debbord continues the work of the situationists, of the dreamers, the plotters of the Great Attack against all our fears, against all authorities and against all social limitations

for more essays, films and info about Invisible Comitee, Party Imaginaire and future anonymous revolutionaries navigate:
http://www.bloom0101.org/translations.html